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Chang, C-L. Bean, Charles R. Roger E. Farmer, Karen K. Liu, Stefania Albanesi, This political restraint can be attributed to the aspect of sports autonomy, which means the independence and self-responsibility of sports clubs and associations, considered a sports policy guideline in West Germany. In Germany, sports are not part of the federal constitution Grundgesetz , which implies that sports are regarded as a personal affair, based principally on self-organization and self-responsibility.
The state is not obliged to organize and finance private sports. However, the state can and must intervene in cases of violation of the law. With respect to doping, this occurs only when illegal drugs are used or distributed, but there is no state law in Germany that forbids and sanctions the actual doping process.
Sports federations, not the state, are responsible for sanctioning doping. In that respect, at least in theory, the state has no reason or need to interfere in sports activities. In practice, the state finances sports activities for many practical reasons, especially top-level sports at an international level, as mentioned above. This creates the opportunity for the state to influence sports positively by supporting top-level athletes, and negatively by sanctioning them or their clubs and associations when they violate sporting rules and the moral standards of sport and society.
In fact, doping is a problem that is not only related to sports and their fundamental principles of health and fairness, but also to society as a whole, Introduction xvii especially when the state is financing sports with tax money. Therefore, the autonomy of sports and the prevention of intervention by the state and other institutions like the media and the economy is ensured, but that autonomy is based on the premise that it is possible to exclude any kind of abuse by any power through self-regulatory processes.
In other words, this means that if the autonomous and self-responsible sports organizations are neither able nor willing to prevent athletes from doping, their autonomy will be limited and controlled. In fact, for a long time, all bodies of sports and politics respected the principles of autonomy and subsidiary partnership. Political issues concerning sports remained limited to a financing role.
It was left to the governing bodies of the sports organizations and the sports clubs and associations to specify the sports policy guidelines and the criteria for spending tax money on athletes, coaches, sports facilities, and so on. Sports associations assume specific public functions within this partnership and therefore receive state assistance, mainly in the form of money. In the following respects, this arrangement is practicable for both sport and state. The state acknowledges the monopoly of sports associations in matters of organization, representation, and self-control, and the state, as well as the public as a whole, benefits from the ability of sports clubs to activate voluntary commitment.
Furthermore, the leading representatives of sports associations, as well as of sports policy, identify with the fundamental values of the European sports model. This model includes the social-integration and health-related functions of sports, as well as the relationship between amateur or mass sport, on the one hand, and high-level sports, on the other.
With regard to doping and anti-doping, the partnership between state and sport raises some awkward questions. On the one hand, sporting associations feel exposed to contradictory performance expectations from the public and the state. Given its high identification potential and role-model effect, politicians and the public expect maximum sporting performance. On the other hand, this maximum performance has to be achieved without any performance enhancers, so that the health of the athletes can be preserved and negative role-model effects prevented.
This is again a condition for governmental support of sport. If maximum performance can be reached solely by using performance enhancers, sports associations find themselves in a dilemma, which can affect their willingness to ban doping.
Either way, they risk losing governmental support. Additionally, public reactions to detected doping cases are ambivalent. Such cases are regarded not as evidence of effective anti-doping policies, but xviii Introduction as reflecting widespread misbehavior in sports in general. In addition, sports associations have always been unable to combat doping successfully. An effective anti-doping policy would require adequate powers for sports associations to compel coaches and athletes to implement anti-doping procedures.
However, this was not ensured within the complex structures of West German sports for a long time. Even today the situation remains unsatisfactory. The German sociologists Karl-Heinrich Bette and Uwe Schimank assume that sports organizations are typical examples of those faced with contradictory public expectations and, at the same time, unable to achieve them because of a lack of resources. The politically interesting question is whether this gap between talk and behavior is part of a political strategy or simply the result of ignorance about what really happens in the world of sports.
In fact, this seems to be precisely the problem within German and international sports organizations. The history of the anti-doping policies of German sports organizations, as well as of international sports federations, is also a history of impressive statements against doping, followed by considerably less effective measures. The British sports scientist and sociologist Barrie Houlihan maintains that the history of doping is one of inadequacy, indifference, and subversion, rather than of consistent anti-doping activities.
Individual behavior is reciprocally related to collective power. This process of transformation of private affairs into public and political matters of society and state power seems to be symptomatic of the history of sports and doping. In the meantime, sports and doping have become centralized and monopolized to such an extent that supranational institutions like the WADA are ultimately responsible for anti-doping worldwide.
The development of monopolies in sport could include both doping and anti-doping. As the example of the GDR demonstrates, the state established a monopoly over sport. The rise of international sporting federations, with the International Olympic Committee IOC at the top, confirms that such processes are initially social.
The history of the WADA reveals that doping and anti-doping policy is indeed a process, and the result of private and public actors of sports organizations as well as national, transnational, and international organizations and, last but not least, governments and parliaments. According to process and figurational sociology, the foundation of monopolies is also related to changes in individual emotional sentiments, thinking, and acting.
In the words of Norbert Elias, there is a changing threshold of shame and pain Scham- und Peinlichkeitsschwelle. With respect to sports and doping, it is evident not only that doping has spread throughout sports worldwide, but also that the awareness on the part of all actors has increased that they are doing something morally wrong or bad. Whereas in earlier times anything was allowed to improve performance, in current sport there are many rules and regulations about what is allowed and what is not.
The process of civilization is characterized by the phenomenon that things which were once allowed are now expressly forbidden. Whereas athletes used to dope without shame or a bad conscience, modern athletes still do it, but with varying degrees of shame and a conscience. They know that what they are doing is against the rules and the spirit of sport, but the desire to win is often irresistible and overpowering.
Additionally, the responsibility of the state concerning anti-doping seems quite clear. The fundamental values and social functions of sports in general are jeopardized by doping, especially the role of top-level athletes as idols for young athletes. Society in general also has a right to morally acceptable behavior.
State politics has to protect sport from the danger of doping, because sports organizations are obviously unable to do so on their own. Furthermore, as the largest sponsor of top-level sports, the state is also guilty of some form of misbehavior if it fails to prevent doping or at least to combat it seriously and consistently.
Therefore, doping has the potential to delegitimize not only sport, but also the state and its responsibility for ensuring the health and security and ethics of the people. The example of GDR doping victims reveals that, in the end, not only the doped athletes had to pay a high price, sacrificing their health. The state, too, was partly responsible and had to pay compensation for the inhuman practices in the former GDR.
The reunited German Bundesrepublik took over the responsibilities of the GDR for its unethical doping practices, although, according to West German politicians, the sports authorities were in fact responsible for that disaster and not the state. How and to what extent was German politics actively concerned with the doping problem i.
What were the consequences and what was in fact done by the various state authorities? How and to what extent did sports organizations and sports officials influence the sports policies of state authorities—for example, in order to finance top-level sports and anti-doping policies? How and to what extent did existing doping practices influence the anti-doping activities of sports organizations and state authorities? What structures and decisions in the sports process, especially concerning doping and anti-doping, were ultimately changed?
How and to what extent were political initiatives concerning doping and anti-doping successful? Did political discussions in public and parliament really change the balance between state and governmental institutions, on the one hand, and the autonomous sports organizations, on the other? Has the doping problem proven to be a suitable arena for influencing sports policies as a whole?
Does the doping problem create an opportunity for politics and politicians to benefit from the cultural, media-related, and popular image of top-level sports? Indeed, the basic assumption could be confirmed that the doping problem is the main reason for questioning the traditional relationship between state and sport in matters of autonomy and subsidiary partnership.
Meanwhile, the autonomy of sports, at least in the context of top-level sports and doping, is no longer a reality. New institutions such as anti-doping agencies, which can be defined as organizations in public-private-partnership, signal a new balance of power between the state and top-level sports.
The debate on an antidoping law in Germany makes it obvious that on the one hand, the pressure exerted by the public and state politics on sports organizations is increasing, and on the other hand, the influence of sports and sporting networks is still strong enough to prevent doping in Germany from being forbidden outright by state law and not only by sports rules. On the one hand, doping is rhetorically and morally rejected.
On the other hand, top-level sports were pushed and supported by tax money, as well as by political and public expectations of top-level performance and success. Especially during the Cold Introduction xxi War, West German top-level sports were heavily politicized.
The athletes were expected at least to be competitive in international sports, especially at the Olympic Games, and not to always lose against the doped East Germans. Everybody knew what was going on, but nobody or at least far too few really protested and accused the dopers of betrayal. However, cheating with doping was very difficult to prove at that time, and the GDR officials were good at keeping their system secret.
Yet this behavior of the officials, and the increasingly objective social and sporting constraints of West German athletes, can be regarded as factors that indirectly supported the misuse. Another important aspect should be mentioned. The present research project clearly demonstrated that the development of sports and doping, as well as anti-doping, is integrated into an international context.
Doping and antidoping history cannot be explained sufficiently without considering the process of internationalization or globalization of sport. The battle against doping is undoubtedly part of this general development. German sports organizations and German sports politics are embedded in international organizations, with the IOC and the international sports federations at the top of the hierarchy.
The international dimensions of doping and anti-doping modify the German perspective of doping and anti-doping to some degree. Germany was a pioneer of neither doping nor anti-doping. But especially during the Cold War, both Germanies played—more or less—a major role in doping, and after German reunification, in anti-doping policies.
So too were national and international scientific or academic publications and documents from and about politicians and sports officials, including protocols, minutes, reports, and memoranda of official commissions of sports and government. This basic research on these sensitive issues xxii Introduction was conducted more systematically and intensively than ever before in Germany. Although the research project was originally intended to be limited to a national perspective, it rapidly became clear that this would be too narrow an approach to describe and explain the complex networks of modern toplevel sports including doping and anti-doping.
At international meetings and congresses, our research group contacted various international working groups researching doping and anti-doping. First, the analysis and hermeneutical interpretation of written historical documents is an established methodological instrument in the historical sciences. The wide variety of written documents, such as minutes or protocols, memoranda, legacies of deceased sport officials and politicians, letters and correspondence, statements, and so on, ensure a high degree of objectivity in a field characterized by personal, subjective emotions, notions of political and moral correctness, social and cultural values, socially expected behavior and communication, bad consciences, dogmatism, and assorted other motives, which make it difficult to distinguish facts from personal opinions and ideologies.
In short, what was written down constitutes a stable and reliable foundation. In contrast to the GDR, where nearly everything important about sports and doping was protocolled officially, or unofficially by the Ministry of State Security Stasi , West Germany was very different.
Due to the West German process of development and its traditions, sport was a matter of private life, not public life. Nobody was obliged to collect and meticulously file important documents in public archives, rather than in private depots of the sports organizations.
Yet documents about anti-doping can be interpreted as indicators of doping. After all, only where there is doping is there anti-doping. However, we could not find any concrete, written proof that any sports officials or sports politicians compelled West German athletes to take forbidden medication to enhance sports performance. In fact, this Introduction xxiii definitely did not occur.
As mentioned above, there was an indirect message that doping is not really wrong, that doping controls and sanctions do not really work, and that athletes were expected to be successful rather than to avoid doping by all means and at any cost. The East German secret service, the Stasi, did everything to keep the doping system of the GDR secret, to prevent the defection of athletes, coaches, and other crucial persons of the GDR top-level sports system, and, finally, to collect information on the West German sports policies.
The West German BND was mainly informed about East German sports, practices, concepts, athletes, and whatever else political refugees from the East pointed them toward. However, it is probable that the BND also had agents or spies of its own working in this field of sport. There are numerous documents that confirm the hypothesis that both sides acquired enough information about what the other side did or knew.
Additionally, it seems unrealistic to believe that this knowledge did not find its way to politicians and sports officials. In fact, the situation described in written documents provided good reasons to talk to selected contemporary witnesses, using the methods of oral history, about their knowledge and memories and the effect of the various issues on doping and anti-doping history.
However, after some initial checks, we abandoned this additional method of finding out the historical truth about doping and anti-doping. The following reasons were relevant for our methodological decision. First, personal memories did not yield quantitatively more and more accurate knowledge beyond what we already knew from the written documents.
Second, all important witnesses were somehow and in some way themselves involved in doping and anti-doping activities in the past. It is undoubtedly very difficult or even impossible for a witness to be objective and to avoid personal views, socially desirable responses, or politically correct statements and opinions.
Furthermore, this is in a field that is not only loaded with various social and cultural values, but constitutes a highly sensitive target of media opinion. Such witness statements seemed rather to confuse and devalue the knowledge obtained from written documents than to clarify and supplement it. After intensive discussions and self- critical evaluation, we were convinced that our central objectives of collecting value-free facts and information about doping and anti-doping and enriching scientific knowledge without ideological and moral influences could be achieved more effectively without contemporary witnesses than with them.
However, this is not to say that the use of drugs or other means of enhancing performance in sports or other fields of bodily demands was not a reality before. It is well known that professional and commercialized sports and athletes in the s and s were familiar with various means of enhancing or improving achievement and performance, for example in cycling, boxing, and athletics, as well as in football and other team games like ice hockey.
Notorious incidents include the Olympic marathon races in Saint Louis in and in London in , when the winners Thomas Hicks USA and Pietri Dorando Italy presumably used amphetamines, strychnine, and other dubious substances. The use of stimulants like caffeine, cocaine, alcohol, and strychnine, and also the application of oxygen or certain types of radiation, has been practiced in modern sports from the beginning.
These drugs and other means of improving athletic achievement and performance were not forbidden by rules, laws, or even public opinion. Pietri Dorando, for example, was disqualified after his marathon race in London in not because he used drugs, but because he was physically supported by coaches and friends during the last steps before the finish line.
However, he was indeed confused and disorientated, probably because of both exertion and drugs. The breach of this rule will operate as an absolute disqualification. There was an anti-doping rule in London , which Pietri Dorando duly breached, but without being controlled or caught. He was disqualified only because of other rules. Pierre de Coubertin, the spiritus rector of the Olympic Games and the Olympic spirit of fair play, praised the achievements of Dorando and regret- Introduction xxv ted his disqualification.
Nobody knows whether he took drugs or not. The Greek hero probably came under the influence of unhealthy, dangerous drugs or had an undetected cardiac disease. In short, there was no doping in early sports because there were no antidoping rules and no sanctions against doping by any authority, or indeed by anyone at all. It is evident that the story of drug-free early sport is just not true, as John Hoberman and other historians emphasize. The anti-doping rule at the marathon race in London in shows that officials and organizers of international sporting festivals like the Olympic Games, and especially the members of the IOC, were indeed aware of the practice of taking performance-enhancing substances.
The IOC even reacted to these practices. Gleaves found that IOC anti-doping policies focused on drug-free amateur athletes, whereas professional athletes took drugs. Apparently, normal practice in sports was to take drugs. The anti-doping policies of the IOC are therefore related to the ethos of amateur sports, which had been a strong differentiator from professional sports.
The one should be drug free, and the other not necessarily. Professional sport and business have in common the discipline and constraints of work and profession. The distinction between sport and professional sport is not a value judgment but a fact.
International doping historians generally agree that the experiences of athletes with drugs since the s, and mainly of soldiers during World War II, were a major contributing factor in the spread of drug use and doping in the s. These years are regarded as the formative period for the misuse of new types of drugs in sports, mainly stimulants such as amphetamines, which were also used systematically in World War II, especially by the German Air Force.
Sports officials were becoming increasingly concerned about the health problems that were plaguing athletes. In the early days of the phenomenon, doping in sports was limited exclusively to stimulants. This changed in the s, when hormone doping was practiced systematically, at first in heavy athletic disciplines like discus, javelin, and shot put and the bodybuilding community , and then in other sports. This development has been characterized by the continuous development and use of new types of drugs and doping methods in different sports and disciplines until today.
Parallel and related to the spread of doping— metaphorically referred to as the doping-helix—the development of antidoping began. A public debate emerged on doping in sports and on the need to prevent it. Doping was regarded as a problem associated with sports and their development that had to be solved and that could no longer be considered as acceptable, especially in top-level sports.
This rise in public awareness of doping as a problem in sports was evident internationally. The approach changed from a mainly theoretical one of recognizing and defining doping to the practical challenge of solving the problem. Therefore, doping was no longer the exclusive terrain of doctors and scientists, but of sports policies in general.
New actors emerged in the international and national sporting networks or communities of sports federations and governmental sporting politics. The latter gained progressively more influence in sporting affairs, parallel to the increasing importance of sports in society as a whole, including their role as an international means of political representation and propaganda.
Considering doping in a narrow sense of the word implies Introduction xxvii banning such practices by the rather informal common-sense treatment of doping as a morally wrong and unhealthy practice, and by written sporting and other rules or laws. Research on the historical development of doping and anti-doping after World War II requires a clarification of the essential theoretical basics. The philologist Schnyder emphasizes just such a basic problem of historical research on doping: In earlier times, methods were known and practiced which we retrospectively refer to as doping.
From a historical point of view, this is not correct, because these methods were embedded in a completely different context compared to today. This context differs not only in cultural, political and social respects, but also in relation to different discursive and institutional settings. From then onwards, older methods of taking drugs in some sports and cases changed to doping. However, a historical perspective demonstrates that doping cannot be separated from anti-doping, which are two elements of the same issue.
Doping can be explained and understood only against its background as illegitimate, forbidden methods of performing and winning. It is obvious that doping and anti-doping are also part of a social process of bureaucratization in sports, as shown by the wide range of doping and anti-doping clauses in the rules of the sports federations. Therefore, with respect to historical research on doping and anti-doping, Dimeo describes the following problem: xxviii Introduction The consumers of drugs have always been the rebels, the underground deviants, while those in charge of anti-doping have had the moral authority and social power.
They have recorded meetings, conferences, scientific analyses and been supported by media reportage. In consequence, the continuity between past and present prevails, rather than the differences. With these theoretical reflections and the knowledge that anti-doping was not established in sports and in the public awareness before the late s in mind, a retrospective moralization of doping in the s, early s, and before seems distinctly inadequate and inappropriate from the perspective of scientific historical research.
Doping is the result not only of an increasing number of highly sophisticated technological and pharmaceutical products and methods, but perhaps more importantly of the will to use them. Motivation and individual thinking and action do not take place in a social vacuum, but are embedded within a broader social context. Individual motivation to use forbidden methods in order to perform better varies within the context of the social and historical contingency that drives this behavior.
A major objective of this project was therefore to identify these socially produced systems of motivation for doping and anti-doping. Therefore, sports and sports medicine are not autonomous systems. They develop within a social context and are social constructions. However, empirically clear and sound evidence of this assertion is lacking. There is only indirect evidence to indicate the spread and increase of doping in sports. Very often, incidents that are interpreted as doping cases are basically anecdotal: Until the mids, all that was known regarding the incidence of performance-enhancing drug use in sport was based on anecdotes, testimonials, and rumors from journalists and others.
Statements from athletes and coaches who are for the most part no longer active. The problem is that such testimonies often are generalized. Therefore, they are in danger of overestimating the use or misuse of doping substances. Everyone dopes. For 50 years, bike racers have been taking stimulants. Other examples refer to quotes like the following in the famous book Doping Dokumente, by Brigitte Berendonk. During the European championships of in Helsinki, I met female javelin throwers and shot-putters.
Contemporary articles in magazines, written by investigative journalists. Statements and allegations in these articles are very often not sufficiently proven. The journalists and their outlets are, all too often, only interested in scandals, or at least many of their readers are. Records and minutes of investigative commissions established by sports organizations or state authorities.
These documents are based mainly on individual statements by athletes, coaches, officials, and others who have been involved in doping. Therefore, they will probably deny or play down any active involvement.
Drug tests. Since the s, drug tests and controls have been introduced step by step, but the methods of testing and controlling drugs have never been sufficiently sound. Furthermore, those who really want to cheat invariably have found ways to remain undetected. Denying and obfuscating doping is part of the doping genesis and the social structure of doping, and its fundamental reality.
Common to all these sources is the fact that they do not provide a complete and clear overview of doping, either past or present. However, Manfred Donike, the famous doping and anti-doping expert, for many years head of the Doping-Control Laboratory in Cologne, stated that there are no rumors about doping in sports without some degree of truth.
However, this popular saying is not always true, especially not with respect to doping, in which context smoke can also be produced or invented by communication alone without the presence of a fire. Furthermore, results and interpretations are perceived as more true, the more individual evidence is gathered from different sources.
Therefore, it seems impossible, even today, to present comprehensive and scientifically valid research about the development, increase, and spread of doping in sports. Researchers in this field cannot do more than approach reality.
Genese - Strukturen - Politik. Auflage Hildesheim: Arete Verlag. The official report can be downloaded on the website of the BISp www. We also thank Dr. Brian Bloch for his help in translating and editing the text into good academic English. Theodor Heuss, in his speech on Whitsun in St. Grundfragen der Soziologie, 10th ed. Weinheim: Juventa-Verl, , — See sporting reports of the federal government, such as those from and Introduction xxxi 9.
The name Staatsdoping is generally used for the system and practice of doping in the GDR. London: Routledge, , ; for French sports, especially boxing and cycling, see C. Brissonneau and F. David E. Martin and Roger W. Official Report of the Olympic Games , John M. Berlin: Weidmann, , The first edition of this book was published in Accessed 3 July Yesalis, A. Kopstein, and M. With respect to the chronological structure in an international perspective, see John M. Spitzer, and G.
For France, see C. Ethics and Sport London: Routledge, , 32— Waddington, Ivan. In Doping and Doping Control in Europe. The territory was divided into four occupation zones in which the various governors of the Allied armies represented and executed state power. Prussia was regarded as the heart of German militarism. German organizations and institutions that were part of or closely affiliated with the Nazi Party and Nazi ideology were to be reorganized.
German people should be reeducated in order to prevent a revival of German Nazism and militarism and to reintegrate the German people and a future German nation-state into the community of free and peace-loving countries. Of course, opinions were divided between the Western and the Eastern Allied forces as to how this should be done. The Soviet Union and its dictator, Joseph Stalin, attempted to secure complete political and economic power 1 2 Chapter 1 over their occupied territories, and demanded that East Germany become part of the socialist empire.
According to the teleological Marxist ideology of history, socialism and communism are predetermined to defeat capitalism. Therefore, Stalin was eager to prepare his empire for this final battle of world history. The Western Allies attempted to retain their ideals of a free and democratic world. A free economy, a peaceful civilian society, independent institutions, and a republican state, all based on a democratic charter, were essential objectives of Western Allied politics from the end of the war until the official foundation of the Bundesrepublik Deutschland BRD; Federal Republic of Germany, FRG.
Step by step, these fundamental differences between the Western and Eastern blocs concerning future German society and the nation-state became all too obvious. They were in fact all also relevant for establishing different sports systems in East and West Germany. In the free West Germany, officially the FRG after , sport was to be an equally free part of the new and democratic civil society. Both sporting models can be regarded as results of the war and of Nazi politics.
After the victory of the Soviet Union over Nazi Germany, it seemed quite clear to convinced socialists that the world of the future would and should be a socialist one, that or nothing. With this thinking, sport was closely connected to the socialist state, its ideology, and its institutional structures. Therefore, sport was initially regarded as a private, personal, and free activity. The state must not interfere in this private sphere of citizens, who are free to organize their sporting interests and needs by themselves, and not by the state or its administrations.
This was the underlying principle according to which sport was understood and organized in the United States and Great Britain, and how the Olympic organization of amateur sports worked From Common Practice to Prohibition 3 and had worked since its beginnings at the end of the nineteenth century.
Consequently, the manner in which the Western Allies attempted to rebuild sports and sporting organizations in their area of influence in West Germany and the FRG was driven from the bottom up by the citizens themselves, and not from the top down by the state and its various organizations, as in East Germany and the Soviet Union. A common consequence in both East and West Germany during the early s was sympathy with sports-for-all concepts.
For Germany, this development peaked during the process of preparing for and implementing the Olympic Games in Munich in In this context, doping also became relevant for sports policies and, in the long run, for state politics as well. Although doping had already been a familiar phenomenon in international and national sports since the beginning of the Olympics, it was not really regarded as a problem, at least not for amateur sports.
Sports officials, functionaries, and representatives of sportsfor-all, Turnen, gymnastics, physical education, and physical health criticized more the excesses of professional sports, like six-day cycling races or professional boxing matches, where athletes seemed to be treated like slaves and forced to perform to the limits of human endurance or beyond.
After World War II, however, new experiences with drugs and medications of various kinds were starting to influence the world of sports. Soldiers on all sides, mostly young men, had taken drugs like amphetamines to cope with exertion, pain, hunger, and other hardships, as well as to enhance their strength and aggression in combat. On the other hand, there was the tendency to impose higher standards of morality on the postwar development of sports.
Both are reasons why doping practices became a real and socially constructed problem in sports in Germany and worldwide, at least since the s. Doping was known but not regarded as relevant to amateur sports in the s, neither publicly worldwide, nor specifically in Germany, nor in the relationship between state and sport. Obviously, they were enormously relieved to be free from the nightmare of war and Nazi dictatorship, and most Germans tried to make a new beginning under control of the Allies.
This certainly applied to all parts of society, politics, economy, culture, and indeed sports and the associated policies. In East Germany, in accordance with the politics and ideology of Joseph Stalin, who was the dictator not only of the Soviet Union, but also in effect of East Germany and the Eastern bloc, sports were kept under strict control of the state and its state party, the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands SED. The former gymnastics and sports clubs were not allowed to be refounded, even those that were closely connected to the former Social Democratic Party, the political party of the majority of the working class.
The unity of the left was the result of compulsion, not of volition. This history is in fact responsible for the deep distrust that the Social Democratic Party in Germany holds toward left-wing communist parties even today, such as the party Die Linke The Left , which was created after German reunification out of the dissolved SED. In West Germany, officially established in as the Bundesrepublik Deutschland, sport was intended to be strictly separated from state politics. This was a precondition of the Western Allies, as well as a desire of both old and new German sports representatives, motivated by their experiences during Nazi dictatorship, when gymnastics and sports clubs were marginalized step by step by the state.
However, they were basically unable to fulfill the public duties and social functions of these clubs in democratic societies, like spending free time together, organizing their sporting, health, cultural, and From Common Practice to Prohibition 5 societal interests, and—last but not least—acting independently of state control and constraint, at least with respect to sports activities, and according to the democratic traditions and structures of German Vereine.
The strong position and revival of the club system for the development of sports seems to be one distinctive criterion, among others, of West German sports development after the war, as a result of the role of sports under the Nazi dictatorship and in contrast to the new German dictatorship in East Germany. This characteristic also seems to constitute a major difference from structures of sports in the Anglo-Saxon world, specifically the United States and Great Britain, where school sports, college and university sports, and private and commercial sports dominate the system.
The self-perception or self-image of sports, represented by sportsmen and sports officials in the early years of the Federal Republic of Germany, entailed the notion that sports ought to be free, based on the decisions of individuals, and not molded by exterior constraints and least of all by the state. Free individuals should be free to organize themselves into independent and free clubs, as had been the case in Germany before the dictatorship of Hitler and his Nazi Party.
In consequence, the rebuilding of a sporting club system for everybody was a major objective and motivation during the early years of the Federal Republic. As Willi Daume, the first elected president of the Deutscher Sportbund DSB always used to mention, as part of the new German society, club sports had to work hard to regain its reputation after the deep crisis of war and Nazi dictatorship.
However, German sportsmen in both East and West also wanted to participate again in top-level sports and rejoin the international and Olympic sports family. At the end of the war in , the spectacular Berlin Olympics of were not even a decade past. Memories of the outstanding performances and successes of the German athletes were still vivid.
However, they were now associated more with the competent training and diligent efforts of the stable German club system and its sports experts than the centralism of Nazi sports politics. There was clearly substantial interest in and motivation to tap into these successes and be reacknowledged in the world of international sports. Nonetheless, this objective could not be achieved earlier than , when a German Olympic team was finally able and allowed to take part again in the Olympic Games of Helsinki, and in , when the German national soccer team won the World Cup in Bern, Switzerland.
Some historians have asserted that the postwar German nation-state was born after this event, but the foundation of the Bundesrepublik Deutschland in was not really affected so 6 Chapter 1 much by the national German soul as by historical and political facts, including rational power and legal considerations. Below is a detailed description of the re building of West German sporting structures.
This analysis is necessary in order to portray the further development of doping and anti-doping within German sports and in the context of the changing relationship between sports and sports organizations, on the one hand, and state authorities on the other. The Allies issued an order, referred to as Kontrollratsdirektive No. This procedure was part of the Allied policy of denazification, and the sports clubs, federations, and associations were in fact regarded as part of the Nazi Party and the centralized state system of the Third Reich.
New clubs were allowed only by permission of the responsible officers of the Allied forces. Federations and associations extending beyond local or regional boundaries were not allowed, and neither were associations between clubs in different occupation zones. Despite this strict order, many gymnastics and sports clubs were reestablished in the Western zones during the summer and autumn of However, they had to be reapproved and prove that no previous Nazi officials or politicians continued to influence or play a role in these clubs.
This argument conformed precisely to that of apolitical sports that had been functionalized or instrumentalized by Nazi politics. The question was, Who would be able, as well as morally and politically equipped, to lead the German sports clubs into a better future? Better, that is, for all those who wished to do sports in clubs, and better for athletes wishing to participate in international and Olympic performance sports. Their working-class sports clubs had been suspended and destroyed by the Nazis, and many leading officials From Common Practice to Prohibition 7 had to emigrate, had been imprisoned, or had died in concentration camps or in combat.
Accordingly, he was called Mister Olympics, and was, by the way, the first dean Rektor of the West German Sports University in Cologne, which was established in by the British army officer John Dixon. Diem was also the only German guest at the London Games of , the first after the war and after the two cancelled Olympic Games scheduled for and The High Commission did not allow its foundation as long as there was no sovereign German nation-state.
Accordingly, the structure of newly organized West German sport was a compromise between two historical models of German sports federations and associations. However, both groups agreed that this compromise was based on the notion of freedom for all. The unity of German sport should be voluntary and not the result of compulsion. However, it goes without saying that athletes can participate in events, competitions, tournaments, championships, or Olympic Games only if they are members of sports clubs that are members of a federation or association of the DSB or NOK.
There is another aspect that ought to be mentioned concerning the structure of West German sport. The historical compromise leading to the foundation of the DSB also included the principle that only one federation can represent one sport. To give another example, at that time, soccer championships were organized by various sports organizations. In sum, the West German umbrella organization of sports, the Deutscher Sportbund, was in fact politically weak, basically comprising various independent members.
The DSB has no real authority over its members, its policies being based on discussion, agreement, and compromise. However, the historical compromise of included a good prevention mechanism against the fragmentation of sport, which had been regarded as one of the reasons for the Gleichschaltung of sports organizations during the Third Reich. This Gleichschaltung literally: making equal refers to the complex process by which the Nazi Party and state succeeded in getting sports under their totalitarian control, without any noteworthy opposition.
At the same time as West Germans were attempting to rebuild new sports organizations according to democratic and liberal principles, in East Germany, the state and its so-called mass organizations, including the state party, the SED, assumed complete power and responsibility for sport. These organizations signaled that in the early days of the GDR, organized sports for the whole population, specifically for the mass of working people, From Common Practice to Prohibition 9 were fundamental to self-perceptions of body culture and sports in the GDR, the first German state for peasants and workers, as the communist ideologists of the SED propagated.
This conception then changed when the Eastern bloc and leaders of the GDR decided to take part in the Olympic Games—in other words, to compete against the capitalist West on the track. Whereas body culture and sports were mentioned in the charter of the GDR, this did not apply to the Grundgesetz, the charter of the Bundesrepublik. Incidentally, the latter was called the Grundgesetz because it was intended to constitute a provisional charter, in expectation of having one for a subsequent unified German nation-state.
The decision for the autonomy of the West German sports clubs and federations and their independence from the state made common sense to the West German public. In the early years of the Bundesrepublik, the new president, Willi Daume, a businessman from the Ruhr area with little experience in sports administration, constantly explained to the public these basics of autonomy and self-determination in sport.
On the occasion of the third assembly of the DSB in The Turn- [gymnastics] and sport movement has to be pure, with no objective beyond promoting sport itself [. The Turn- [gymnastics] and sport movement needs 1. Sport ought to be a world of its own.
The deeper sense of the sport concept is the elimination of all its non-sport functions. Gymnastics [Turnen] and sport are not practiced because of any external logic or function. The process itself is their only meaning and aim. At the same time, Daume deliberately contrasted the West German model of free and independent sport with the functionalized concept of state sport in East Germany.
Ultimately, by arguing in this manner, he managed to fend off the state authorities. They also have to pay salaries to teachers. The communities, on the other hand, provide and look after buildings and equipment. The Bund itself and its federal administration have no ministry responsible for sporting issues. Various ministries assume responsibility for sports and physical education—for example, the Ministry of Defense, which was established in , provides physical education and sports for soldiers.
Step by step, when top-level sports and top-level athletes became more relevant for representing the new West German state in international events or contests, the Ministry of the Interior assumed a leading role, for national reasons, in the administration and financing of these high-performance sports.
At the beginning of the Federal Republic of Germany, Carl Diem, the dean of the sports university at Cologne, was asked to advise the new federal government under the leadership of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer on general issues concerning sports. Diem had a part-time job as a Sportreferent sports consultant from —, and as he mentioned himself, he could handle it during the short ride from Cologne to Bonn, the new and provisional capital of West Germany.
He was given a full-time job as Sportreferent inside the Ministry of the Interior, which was to be responsible for federal issues concerning sports. In , Sievert repeated the familiar perception of sports and sports administration in the early years of the Federal Republic.
In a democratic state like the Federal Republic of Germany, this seems a matter of course. Sievert also emphasized the voluntary work of sports clubs and federations for the public and community. The first president of the Federal Republic, Theodor Heuss, did likewise when he defined the relationship between state and sport.
The state and public of the FRG were very keen to send an outstanding team to the Olympics and to other international sports events. The sports organizations, which are financed only through membership fees, were not able to finance these expensive excursions, not to mention the increasing investment in coaching, training camps, equipment, medical care, and so on. German athletes were less affluent than ever and there were few if any wealthy athletes like the gentlemen athletes in the early days of British amateur and gentleman sport.
Therefore, the German public logically had to support top-level sports, not only rhetorically, but also monetarily. This support seemed to be a duty of the federal state. Top-level sports is one of them. The sports consultant Hans-Heinrich Sievert defined subsidiarity rather reluctantly as follows: Sport, at least free sport for adults, must always be self-financed. From then on, intensive discussions were held every year between the Ministry of the Interior and sporting organizations about the exact level of financial support.
Sievert specified the nature of support for sports by the federal government as follows: Only associations at a national level can be financially supported if a concrete and direct motivation for the federal government is evident. Those events and measures can be supported which are in the national interest, like international or European championships or Deutsche Turnfeste [German gymnastics festivals] or equivalent events.
International exchange can also be supported, as well as scientific and medical research with respect to sport and sports medi- 12 Chapter 1 cine. The sports budget increased every year, from DM , in to DM , in and rising to DM , by In , the sum amounted to DM 2 million.
However, this sum was not really all that high, given the economic growth in West Germany and the rate of inflation during that period. Sports consultant Sievert had already stated in that it should be clear that the state and public have a duty to provide good sports facilities and conditions for training and contests. Yet it took until for the federal budget to include an amount of DM 5 million to finance buildings and training centers for top-level sports. Even so, the amount was in fact ridiculously low.
At that time, Willi Daume, president of the DSB, calculated that cities and communities had been spending more than DM million on sports arenas, swimming pools, and sports halls from to Despite the increasing systematic support of sports by the state, both state authorities and sporting organizations persisted with the principles of autonomy and subsidiarity, which were also to apply to Olympic Games.
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